It's Black History Month in the Britain, and it appears it’s time for a rethink. As time has passed, an observance that was initiated as a celebration and reminder of history, culture and the connections between global Black communities, has adopted a commercial tone, growing to encompass functions where individuals of African heritage are remunerated to address Caucasian groups about “unconscious bias” and supportive partnership. The 2020s Black Lives Matter protests created a surge in the enterprise of displaying cultural sensitivity. Yet, that phase is now over. The wave has reached its height, producing a diluted aftermath of what increasing understanding is for.
First commemorated in the US and Canada, Black History Month was established in 1962 as “Negro History Week” by historian of African descent Carter G. Woodson with seven days of commemoration and observance in the second week of February. Black History Month grew out of this movement and was formally inaugurated in 1970. Now it is celebrated not only in the United States and Canada in winter, but also in October in the United Kingdom, Germany, Éire and the the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
The month has evolved since its inception, focusing less on the accounts of colonial slavery and fights for racial justice, and more on notable African descendants in politics, culture, and activism, and broadly celebrating the contribution Black people have made to shape the country. It is in educational institutions where Black History Month is most frequently marked, with lectures and artistic activities. But the way the celebration is celebrated is a reflection of the political moment. How it progresses is a valuable example in how assimilation leads to dismantling: the restructuring of Black History Month has stymied the objective of it, which is to address embedded and established prejudice.
Hardly anything shows how crucial it is to reconsider Black History Month better than the particular moment in which it occurs this year. In the UK, a revitalized conservative movement in the shape of the Reform political group is leading the polls. In the warmer months we saw the most significant ultra-conservative gathering in the history of Britain. a prominent political figure, the African descendant in charge of the Tory party, is a staunch adversary of the racial justice movement, and we are in a position where a member of parliament feels emboldened to state that a lack of white people in certain urban areas is a reason for concern. Meanwhile, ultra-nationalist movements are surging in Europe as a entirety.
In the United States, a colossal assault against DEI and affirmative action has been carried, often successfully, to the supreme judicial bodies of the country. A effort to erase African American heritage and legacy from the historical documents is in progress. One of Donald Trump's first executive orders focused on the museum of African American legacy, and the Smithsonian Institution, accusing them of a organized and extensive campaign to alter the country's historical narrative” by portraying America “as naturally discriminatory”.
Given these circumstances, the observance represents how little it can be influential if it is confined to either dutiful corporate observances, or stripped of political content commemorations of historical achievements, rather than addressing the realities of the contemporary world. It also shows how its short period means that it is detached from the more extensive continuous action that is required. An academic expert, a professor at an educational institution, articulated it most accurately when she raised concerns about the short-term symbolic gestures of the celebration. “The issue with adopting a symbolic stance”, she wrote, “is that it often means that Black History Month becomes a brief show rather than a driver of transformation.”
Establishing how to adapt, revise and extend initiatives for racial equality and recognition in such times of discouragement and concern is a challenging endeavor. There is a urge to just discontinue observances such as Black History Month altogether, assuming they are inadequate for current needs, or are vestiges of an time that has been ineffective.
Yet, in spite of all this, Black History Month, and in fact the complete comprehensive structure and heritage of campaigns for equality – local anti-racism groups, DEI programs, and yes, even those talks to businesses – represent an framework that a significant effort has gone into. It is there not merely to decline as the politics moves on (and in fact, regresses), but to be a living breathing thing.
So what would a contemporary active Black History Month look like? Firstly, it would be not just one concentrated month: something that is dispersed throughout the annual calendar (as some institutions are already beginning to do), sections of its curriculum (particularly around notable African descendants) incorporated into academic syllabi. It would also be a time that does not evade politics, and allows opportunity for people, particularly youth, to express their concerns and stories. What purpose serves simple recognition of the past when it ignores the present reality of far-right rallies in the urban areas? Institutions who observe it should not be comforted with the passive language of “unconscious bias” and alertness to subtle slights, but confronted with the threats that impact society if opposition to discrimination is not taken seriously. In short, Black History Month should be made up-to-date, critical, and responsive. Perhaps an complete renaming is necessary – Contemporary Black History Month.
Elena Marchetti is a technology journalist with a passion for demystifying complex topics. She has been covering tech trends for over a decade.